The deadly shadow war unfolding on streets of Russia as Ukraine’s hit squads bring bombs & bullets to Kremlin’s doorstep

A DEADLY shadow war has made its way from the battlefields of Ukraine and onto the streets of Russia.

The Kremlin’s top brass are now in the crosshairs of Ukraine’s hit squads – and Moscow seems unable to protect its own.

As Major General Nikolai Varpakhovich was leaving a supermarket near an airbase in Russia’s Saratov region, a motorcyclist stopped in his path and shot him twice at close range, once in the chest and once in the head.

Days before the assassination, the commander had been charged by Ukrainian prosecutors over a missile strike on a children’s hospital in Kyiv in July 2024, which killed two people and wounded more than 30.

In the past two years, a string of senior Russian military figures have been killed in bomb blasts, shootings, and by booby traps – not in the trenches of Donbas or the command bunkers at Alabuga, but in the suburbs and eateries of Moscow, St Petersburg, and beyond.

The hits being carried out by operatives known or assumed to be either agents of Ukraine’s security services or assassins working on their behalf have been following patterns that are, if not predictable, then certainly noticeable.

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Kyiv is killing those it deems responsible for some of the war’s most inhuman and despicable crimes, and revenge is a dish best served on the streets of Russia.

Dr Kamil Zwolski, associate professor and Jean Monnet Chair of European Security at the University of Southampton, told The Sun: “Ukraine probably has one of the best-developed, most experienced, and efficient security services in Europe right now.

“They are battle tested, they are funded, they are well staffed, and they are good.”

And August was one of the deadliest months on record for the Kremlin.

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As many as seven targets were taken out by operatives thought to be working for Kyiv – with the hitmen appearing to be returning to firearms for their missions.

Dr Zwolski explained: “Ukraine seems to be changing tactics. They used to use bombs on a broader scale.

“Now, they seem to be pivoting towards shooting, so perhaps Russia has become more effective at detecting those explosives.

“Maybe it’s become more difficult to plant them. Or maybe it’s cheaper and more efficient just to try and use freelance shooters. But that’s the kind of dynamic we see at the moment.”

In one attack alone, five people were killed when an upscale restaurant in Moscow bombed during a birthday party for Colonel‑General Aleksandr Chayko, the commander-in-chief of Russia’s Aerospace Forces.

Chayko survived, but several members of his family died.

Major General Valery Plokhotnyuk was killed instantly, with another general, Igor Yerusalimov, also reported killed.

Ukraine alleged that Chayko had ordered attacks on the village of Teterivske near Kyiv in March of 2022 using aerial bombs, rocket launchers and missiles, destroying dozens of houses and killing at least two civilians.

He was further thought to have been one of the commanders responsible for the Bucha massacre, in which as many as 650 civilians were murdered by Russian soldiers, including nine children, many of them tortured.

It also appears that Ukrainian agents have long memories when it comes to traitors.

Just 10 days later, on the August 13, in Sevastopol, a bomb hidden in a rubbish bin killed a Russian naval officer, Captain Robert Shageyev, a former Ukrainian submarine commander who had defected to Russia in 2014.

Then, on August 27 in St Petersburg, a car bomb killed Major Sergei Sechkov, a Russian Aerospace Forces officer whose unit was accused by Kyiv of deliberately and repeatedly hitting civilian targets in the Slobozhanske region.

But it was the killing of General Igor Kirillov, head of Russia’s chemical, biological and nuclear defence forces, that set the stage for the current campaign.

Kirillov was infamously killed in an explosion after a bomb was hidden in an e-scooter outside his Moscow flat in December 2024.

Ukraine’s security service claimed responsibility for the mission deep behind enemy lines, beginning a new and audacious phase.

Both the killing and the admission surprised even seasoned experts.

Dr Zwolski, a leading expert on Russian state security policy, said: “One interesting thing is this kind of admittance and attribution.

“Over time, I would say after 2024, Ukraine has become more confident admitting involvement in certain assassinations or attempted assassinations.

“Also how the scale and the scope and the bravery here has increased.”

Since Kirillov, the list of victims has been long and bloody, with Kyiv openly claiming responsibility for a slew of killings.

However, before Kirillov, Kyiv had almost universally denied responsibility for hits on Russian soil.

When Black Sea Fleet submarine commander Stanislav Rzhitsky was shot dead while jogging in a park, Kyiv responded by releasing detailed information, likely only known by the planners and perpetrator, without admitting guilt.

Before 2024, it is likely the Kyiv government was adhering to “instructions” from the US and allies that they should not undertake military actions inside Russia’s borders.

Now, however, the gloves appear to be firmly off.

In one of the most notorious slayings, military blogger Maxim Fomin was killed by a bomb hidden in a statuette modelled on himself at an “awards ceremony” held in a St Petersburg café.

Dr Zwolski continued: “What is interesting is that the cases where Ukraine takes open responsibility for executions, where those people are not just Russian military leaders, or where they are not just random high profile Russian security officials, but those are the people that Ukraine accuses of gross human rights violations.

“So, the people involved in things like bombing hospitals in Ukraine.

“So, in Ukraine’s perception, that raises the legitimacy of those killings. It’s a moral consequence rather than simply an act of war.”

With the Kremlin turning to organised crime groups to do their bidding in Europe, Ukraine’s agencies are thought to be mirroring the actions of Moscow – turning to independent contractors to undertake the missions in Russia where and when Kyiv’s agents cannot get to their targets.

Although some arrested after killings in both Ukraine and Russia have been innocent dupes, hired to deliver an apparently innocuous package, the bombs themselves require tradecraft and skill.

These shadowy hitmen, known as “torpedoes” or “Mokrushniki” in Russia, will often be former operatives for the security services in the old Soviet sphere, offering their expertise to mobsters, corporations, and foreign governments alike.

Dr Zwolski said: “There is some use of freelancers, that’s for sure. How much are they being paid?

“It’s hard to say. Of course, they work with Ukrainian security services, but that increases this kind of deniability, right?

“That makes it easier to deny direct connection to Ukraine… they are paid somewhere between $18,000 and $100,000 to actually plant devices that are then remotely detonated from Ukraine.

“That creates this kind of insulation between Ukraine and the actual perpetrators.”

What is even more problematic for the Kremlin is keeping a lid on reporting of the killings, with the prevalence of the assassinations on Russian territory seeping into the consciousness of the general public.

It risks undermining confidence in Putin’s ability to win the war against his smaller and comparatively under-funded neighbour.

Dr Zwolski said: “It’s difficult for Russia because each case is individual, and freelance contractors are employed, so my prediction is that those kinds of attacks will continue.

“Many of them will fail, some of them will be successful, but it’s really hard to say how fast Russia is catching up.”

He added: “They are not the same services that Ukraine had in 2014 or even 2022. They have learned a lot. They have been training, they have learned tactics, they have learned from the experience.